- Numerous irregular deletions of word-final *-it.
- Morphologically unanalyzable in PIE.
- Wildly defective genitives (*mlitós → Hit milittas, Lat mellis, Gk μέλιτος, Ir melo, Arm melu).
- Chaotic Anatolian vocalism (Hit milit- vs. Luw mallit-).
- Shared Greco-Anatolian features (ie. genitive in *-t-os) as if by areal influence.
- Greek μελίτειον is mislabeled an Iranian term (as per Douglas and Adams).
- Unjustified derivatives based on just one or two languages (ie. **meluyo- 'bee', **melitih₂ 'bee', **mlit-ye- 'to gather honey', etc.).
- Total disregard for regular sound laws and accent throughout (eg. *mlit-ye- > βλίττω yet genitive *mlitós > μέλιτος).
- Finno-Ugric fossilizes early IIr *médʰu- but fails to show any trace of *mélit-.
- Word vanishes magically in all IE languages east of the Crimea, even in Tocharian.
"The precise accordance between Hittite and (already Mycenaean) Greek [...], and cognates elsewhere [...], are at serious variance with the heteroclitic postulation *meli-t/mel-nes (e.g. IEW 723) based mainly on Lat. mel/mellis (which may rather take after its antonym fel 'gall')." (see link)Now, I realized something else that was plaguing my subconscious. There are far too many missing words for 'honey' across Italy that could decisively resolve the issue. Does anyone else notice this convenience? Latin mel with the coincidently unexpected genitive is always cited. Yet what happened to Umbrian? Oscan? Venetic? South Picene? Knowing that translating Etruscan maθ as 'honey' is illegitimate, what is its real term if not none other than *mel? How did so many words for 'honey' vanish in the same geographical area? How can a typical offering to the gods be absent from all pertinent texts in numerous languages? It's rather frustrating to those that care.
While we can at least eliminate some potential non-IE sources of this term in the general search area like Akkadian dišpu and Sumerian lal, my mind is intuitively drawn to the poorly understood language of Hattic since linguists keep on finding comestible terms in -it (Hittite sepit-, a type of grain, and Greek alphit- 'barley') that have no decent Indo-European explanation and yet have a strange habit of lingering around Western Anatolia as if substratal.
I'm still looking for a good answer but so far my hunch is taking this path:
A Hattic term, *melit, had spawned both Anatolian *mélit 'honey'/*mlit-eu- 'sweet' on the one hand and Aegean *meli 'honey' on the other (with *malítʰau 'sweet' via Anatolian).Interestingly, -it is said to form feminines in Hattic as in hanwasuit 'throne' so could a Hattic form *mel-it be analysed this way too?
Anatolian languages loaned the Greek reflexes while Aegean gave birth to Etrusco-Rhaetic *mel 'honey'/*mlítʰu 'sweet' which yielded the Latin, Celtic and finally Germanic reflexes (via Celtic) once this branch first arrived in Italy.
Then for the pièce de resistance, another Aegean offshoot, Eteo-Cretan, inherited the word *mlítʰu 'sweet', attested by Greeks in the first half of the epithet Britomartis.
But dare I say more on this holy day of drunkards. A toast to all: A tall glass o' mead for them stinkin' snakes... then another for them drunkin' shakes. Sláinte!
 The term maθcva, found three times in the Liber Linteus with inanimate plural -cva, can therefore not be a mass noun like 'honey'. G & L Bonfante were no doubt aware of the grave problem when they abandoned the expected value of *'honeys' based on their very own grammatical sketch for the ad hoc ammendment 'full of inebriating drink'. Unproven, ad hoc, and biased by Indo-European *médʰu-.